Saturday, October 6, 2007

You're a Terrorist, You Just Don't Know It Yet

Via BoingBoing....

Computer and behavioral scientists at the University at Buffalo are developing automated systems that track faces, voices, bodies and other biometrics against scientifically tested behavioral indicators to provide a numerical score of the likelihood that an individual may be about to commit a terrorist act.

"The goal is to identify the perpetrator in a security setting before he or she has the chance to carry out the attack," said Venu Govindaraju, Ph.D., professor of computer science and engineering in the UB School of Engineering and Applied Sciences. Govindaraju is co-principal investigator on the project with Mark G. Frank, Ph.D., associate professor of communication in the UB College of Arts and Sciences.


Uh, folks? Minority Report was a work of fiction. It didn't really happen.

To say nothing of the moral implications of something like this.

Friday, October 5, 2007

One Small, But Important, Point

Digby on the modern Republican Party:

It's all wrapped in the warped worldview I described above, in which the Democratic party is not just wrong, it's fundamentally illegitimate.


Operating under the belief that one must completely destroy one's opposing political party vs. the belief that one must win on policy and politics grounds are two very different things. I think the Dems are playing the latter game, much to their detriment.

Affirmative Action For White People!

Via lots of places, this Boston Globe story on some rather interesting characteristics of incoming or first-year college students. (I try to avoid using the term "freshmen" since I think saying "men" and meaning "people" is stupid and sexist.)

From the story:

Surf the websites of such institutions and you will find press releases boasting that they have increased their black and Hispanic enrollments, admitted bumper crops of National Merit scholars or became the destination of choice for hordes of high school valedictorians...

What they almost never say is that many of the applicants who were rejected were far more qualified than those accepted. Moreover, contrary to popular belief, it was not the black and Hispanic beneficiaries of affirmative action, but the rich white kids with cash and connections who elbowed most of the worthier applicants aside.

Researchers with access to closely guarded college admissions data have found that, on the whole, about 15 percent of freshmen enrolled at America's highly selective colleges are white teens who failed to meet their institutions' minimum admissions standards.


Oops.

The story is full of interesting information about the college admissions process. For example:

Except perhaps at the very summit of the applicant pile - that lofty place occupied by young people too brilliant for anyone in their right mind to turn down - colleges routinely favor those who have connections over those who don't. While some applicants gain admission by legitimately beating out their peers, many others get into exclusive colleges the same way people get into trendy night clubs, by knowing the management or flashing cash at the person manning the velvet rope.


Historically, that meant white people (and often white men), since conscious and overt racism kept people of color out of college for a long time. Now, since white people have the advantage of legacy and historical presence, connections-based admittance means that more white folks get admitted in this fashion. This is one more example of how racism that happened in the past can still effect the world today.

Another great point:

Just 40 percent of the financial aid money being distributed by public colleges is going to students with documented financial need. Most such money is being used to offer merit-based scholarships or tuition discounts to potential recruits who can enhance a college's reputation, or appear likely to cover the rest of their tuition tab and to donate down the road.


An old friend of mine, once the student body president at her university, told me she thinks that merit-based aid needs to be completely abolished and replaced solely with need-based aid. I suspect this is one reason why. (The larger argument is simply that folks who can get to college on merit are more likely to have the means to pay for it themselves; those who qualify for both merit- and need-based aid can still qualify for need-based aid, and would not require the merit-based stuff.)

I hope this goes a long way towards pointing out the reason that affirmative action is still necessary.

Other folks are talking about this too: Jack and Jill Politics, TAPPED, and Atrios.

A Clarification

One commenter and Lebanon Truth have both pointed out that I seem to be attributing some sort of bias to Lebanon Express reporter Larry Coonrod for his statement in yesterday's DH story.

I want to clarify, as it seems I was not clear enough to communicate what I wanted: I think what the Express is doing is right in this instance. Public records are public, and the school board should not have three members colluding outside a meeting to suspend the Superintendent. Whether or not one agrees with this, Debi Shimmin's work records - just like any other person employed by a governmental agency - are not private.

That said, Coonrod's statement, which I agree with the substance of, can easily be understood (or misunderstood) as placing him in opposition to the anti-Robinson crowd, who don't see the need for the public records request or the investigative journalism in the first place, because the only thing they see as wrong in all of this was that Robinson was reinstated.

Do I think that is the right interpretation? No, not at all. But I think it's a possible interpretation.

Do I think Coonrod should have taken the care to craft a statement that would have accommodated those folks who are inclined to see bias in his work? No, not at all. He stated, I assume, the truth as he understands it.

Do I think Coonrod has a pro-Robinson bias? I have no clue what his personal beliefs are - but his quote does not, as I personally understand it, reveal such a bias.

Rather, I was trying to point out that what he did say, as a vigorous defense of the public's right to know, could be understood, from a particular perspective, as something else entirely - rightly or wrongly.

Pointing out alternative interpretations of public statements or actions, or playing the devil's advocate, by the way, is one of the things I am trying to do when I post on Lebanon. It's just the way I have been trained to look at things.

Thursday, October 4, 2007

A Strange Story

Perusing the online DH late this afternoon, I found this story by Jennifer Moody. She's been the DH reporter writing about the Lebanon School Board and related issues.

The story, which basically just announces the fact that the Lebanon Express put in a public records request some time back to the city for the public records of School Board member Debi Shimmin, is one of the strangest things I have seen in a long time. From the story:

LEBANON - Journalists at the Lebanon Express say they asked for phone and e-mail records from two employees at City Hall to investigate allegations that school board business was being conducted on city time.

...

The Express has received a bill for 318 records reviewed in connection with the request. The paper has not yet paid for nor seen the materials.

...

“We received information that led us to believe there may have been communication having to do with the board’s decision to put Jim Robinson on paid leave on city time using city resources,” [Express editor A.K. Dugan] said.

However, she added: “We’re investigating allegations. We don’t know what we’ll find. The allegations may turn out to be all wrong, but nobody knows until we’ve finished with the investigation, until we’ve seen what we requested.”


This is essentially a non-story. Many people know about the public records request; I'm sure it was hot gossip when it happened, and Debi Shimmin made reference to it during the board meeting in which Robinson was reinstated. So it's not really news in that sense. That makes me wonder why it ran in the first place. My guess: Someone, or several someones, complained to either the DH editor or DH publisher about what they perceived as biased coverage, or possibly just complained about the story not being covered, being under the impression that this story is news.

It's also highly unusual to write a story about a public records request, seeing as how they are not that uncommon in journalism circles, do not constitute an investigation and do not, in and of themselves, show any results.

On the other hand, such a request is certainly news in Lebanon, I suppose, just due to the rarity of the event. Still, I'm not convinced it's worth doing a story on - better, perhaps, to include the fact that it happened in the eventual story that reports on the results of the records search.

But what about the story itself? Is there anything we can learn from that? Well, we learn that the Express is going to receive 318 documents. That strikes me as a large number, but since I don't really know much about records requests, that could be par for the course. I do wonder, however, if those documents are going to be redacted (and here I am just running off knowledge of how the federal government has been dealing with FOIA requests in the last few years). In any case, Express reporter Larry Coonrod has his work cut out for him.

Anything else in the story? Yes - Coonrod's statement near the end of the story, for one:

Coonrod, the reporter who asked the city for the records, said when Shimmin joined Rick Alexander and Josh Wineteer in voting to place Robinson on leave, it appeared the three had communicated prior to the meeting and reached a decision about what they would do.

“If the public’s business is not going to be done in public, we’ll use extraordinary measures to make it public,” he said.


This is a very, very touchy statement for me. On the one hand, journalists and print newspapers have long served as a foil for governmental secrecy. There's a long history of that in the United States.

On the other hand, Coonrod's statement can easily be read as an activist's (and not a reporter's) statement - and I'd bet that's how it's going to read to the anti-Robinson crowd. Granted, I get the sense that crowd already doesn't like Coonrod or the Express, but still. This is potentially fuel for the fire. I'm not saying it's wrong (in fact, I love investigative journalism), merely that the tone that comes across in the quote is not as, um, conciliatory as it could have been. It comes across as Coonrod taking sides - not the side of truth and openness, which I suspect is how Coonrod (or any other halfway decent journalist) views it, but the side opposite the anti-Robinson folks.

Let me put it this way: Many people view a reporter's job as simply reporting the news without having an effect on anything, without creating change. That's a false statement - reporters change the terms of the public debate every time they file a story, simply due to the fact that their words become common knowledge. So change is going to happen - but given that many folks are under the impression that a newspaper's job is to report, and not create, the news, the quote is not likely to win Coonrod a lot of friends.

Finally, there is this statement:

Shimmin was the target because of the question about the use of public resources, Dugan said. “We’re not out to get Debi.”


If I'm already suspicious of the Express at this point, then I see this as a confirmation, perhaps, that in fact Debi was and is a target. (This holds particularly true if I were under the impression that someone "threatened" Shimmin to change her vote regarding Robinson.)

Also, if I'm the Express, then this is one of the few legitimate avenues I have to do investigative work. Shimmin's records as a city employee are public - of course the newspaper will do a records request. So in that sense I agree that it's not about Shimmin, but probably about getting any information possible - hence the use of keywords as a filter (anyone know what the keywords are?).

Also, does anyone know what Lebanon charges for this kind of records request? My experience with this sort of thing is that bureaucracies charge so much money as to create a barrier that prevents almost all individuals from doing this - which is, in essence, a barrier to citizen participation in government.

Assumptions

It just struck me that not only are assumptions are often factually wrong, but they are epistemologically wrong as well - we use them as if they were knowledge, but they are in fact just stand-ins for real knowledge.

Chris Matthews on The Daily Show

This interview has been making the rounds. I just finally saw it.

It's brilliant. It's incredible. It's incredibly brilliant and funny and - and this is the most important part - it is representative of how the mainstream, talking head, Beltway media is so pathetically insane, and as a result, why our the national level of discourse is so disgusting.

(Of course, there are other reasons. But this is so central, so key, that you should watch and learn.)

Chris Matthews has a show on MSNBC called Hardball. He is perhaps THE talking head of the TV media in some ways. It's been known for some time that he has some strange views on sex, gender, and how they relate to politics, but this - this is a window into the mind of someone who, I think, has inverted the relationship of politics to reality: To Matthews, politics creates reality. Reality should aspire to be like politics. Needless to say, I think that view is insane.

Stewart destroys him. Matthews knows, to some extent, that this is happening - and the audience does as well. It's brutal, but it's worth the watch:

More Tools for Communication That Might Apply to Lebanon

I dug some handouts out of a binder from a training I attended once - and I still think they are some of the best concepts around to start to understand how our own communications styles and how they effect other people. I'd like to try and explain the two main concepts contained in said handouts in this post - but beware, this is first in terms of format for me, so I'm not sure how this is going to turn out. Plus, it turns out I'm a really bad lecturer in all formats.

I should give credit to Eric H.F. Law, who I believe was the originator of these. Also, much of the language is taken directly from the handout with little to no modification.

Concept #1: Power Distance Communication.

These can be separated into High and Low Power Distance, but I should note that they are a continuum rather than two discrete forms. Also, it should be noted up front that one person is not bound to one particular style, but can both change over time and change depending on the situation.

High Power Distance: Individuals who view the world with a high power distance believe that there is inequality in the world and accept that as a fact of life. Signs of high power distance may include (1) a lower trust level, (2) higher levels of desired protocol, (3) a desire to figure out the role of everyone in the room before participating, and (4) a need for more context before action can be taken.

How HPD can play out: People who are high power may have to work harder at building a safe environment (which is necessary for open and honest communication); they may be happier if they are together rather than interspersed with low power distance folks, at least at first. High power folks are more likely to be concerned with "what's in it for them." High power people have little tolerance for folks who think everyone in the room is equal. Finally, since lower power distance folks think of low-level high power folks as weak, said low-level folks may get run over quite a bit initially.

By the way, these attributes are generally understood as applying to group work, the workplace, etc - how folks interact with each other in social situations. In this case, think of a school board working group, a staff meeting at the district office, or even a teacher's meeting in one of the academies are Lebanon High School.

Low Power Distance: These folks believe that power is shared by many and high power people are either elitist (if they are at the top) or weak (if they are at the bottom). Lower Power Distance people may (1) downplay the importance of hierarchy, (2) have a low level of protocol, (3) feel that people should try to look less powerful than they are, and/or (4) feel that people can also gain power through education.

How LPD can play out: LPD folks may simply speak out rather than raise their hands or follow other protocols designed to maintain or maximize order; this may result in their dominating discussions. If a discussion enters the realm of difference, low power folks may show disdain for comments that either valorize the rich or anyone else at the top of a hierarchy.

Examples of these: I would think that something like a law office would be very high power distance, as it contains lots of hierarchy. Certainly military training can create situations that are VERY high power distance, with strict protocols surrounding peoples' roles and who can say what, and when, and to whom. I would think coaches also often follow a high power distance model, with an insistence on everyone knowing the ropes and rules, especially those governing who is in charge (always the coach).

Now contrast that with a group of teachers that get together for lunch every day. Yes, they are aware that some of them have more seniority than others, but by and large, the potential exists for the space created to be one in which everyone is treated as an equal, and formal rules governing the group can be tossed in favor of informal (and sometimes assumed) rules.

I don't mean to imply, however, that something we might normally think of as high power distance can't be low power distance. A staff meeting with teachers, administrators, and district office officials present can turn out to be a very low power distance affair.

And, of course, I should note again that these are concepts that generally apply to people's perspectives; as a result, you might find yourself in a group made up of folks who are all over the continuum and have very different ideas about how the group should or does work. How those perspective mesh, conflict, and play out is often very different, even with the same group meeting multiple times. The point is simply to be aware that different people view the protocols and practices of communication differently, and moreover, that these views can change over time and in different contexts. As a result, I think it's important to pay attention to where you are at on the Power Distance continuum as well as where others appear to be at. It can prevent folks from talking past each other, or getting embroiled in disagreements about how to communicate rather than what information needs to be communicated.

Concept #2: High & Low Context Communications

This concept goes really well, I think, with the first. Context Communications is, essentially, being aware of how much context is transmitted between people along with the information that's going back and forth.

High Context Communicators: When people communicate, most of the information is either in the physical context (body language) or internalized in the person. Therefore, implicit messages are critical. High context people may struggle initially in a new setting as they have to reorient themselves within the new shared context.

How this can play out: A high context communicator might feel the need to speak uninterrupted to get their point across; this may take some time, making others impatient. They may also need more extensive directions put in a context they can work with.

Low Context Communicators: These are pretty common in U.S. society. The low context individual values the explicit codes and pays less attention to the information embedded in messages. They will often need little contexting time; they feel that they can confront new situations with requiring a great amount of time and detailed programming; finally, they may have difficulty functioning in a high-context environment where contexts are constantly in play, since low context folks often are often unaware of their internal context.

How this plays out: Basically, low context folks just want the answer (think more "yes/no" than the "why"). They don't want all the context, which they often perceive as extraneous or wasteful.

When I was introduced to this concept, I was asked to envision a tower. At top of the tower is the piece or pieces of information that need to be communicated between people. The rest of the tower, the foundation, the framework, all the floors up to the top - those are the context that is needed for the information to make sense. A high context person will often feel the need to communicate the entire tower from the bottom up before communicating the information itself. The tower is the contextual information that is perceived as required for the desired piece of information to make sense. If the person listening interrupts, this can be perceived as a need to build a bigger tower - to include more contextualizing information along with the desired information, because it suggests to the high context person that the questioner didn't really understand what was going on.

Needless to say, this can be infuriating for low context folks who just want a 'yes' or 'no' or other short answer.

The way I understand it, low context folks tend to assume the shared context, the tower, between people or groups. As a result, low contexters tend to view all the other communication, the tower-building, as a repetitive waste of time.

It was mentioned above that many folks in the U.S. are low context. I would argue (and it's here that I out myself as preferring high context) that what this indicates is that folks in the U.S. feel like they have a shared context in which to understand and master new information. Personally, I consider this a bad assumption in any group, much less larger groups that may contain people from significantly different backgrounds.

In fact, when wedded with power, I consider low context communications to be one way in which things like white or male privilege are manifested and transmitted: People of color and white women are expected to share the context created by the privileged white male while not being allowed to change or modify the "shared" context at all. Then the "shared" context is considered universal. It can work this way when any kind of power differential between individuals or groups is present, even if all the folks present are, say, white guys - there are certainly other axes along which power is transmitted.

Again, as with the power distance concept, the context communications concept is something that both exists on a continuum and is very mutable and flexible. One person can change over time in the way they communicate, and they can also change depending on the situation they are in. For example, a group of really close-knit friends or coworkers may have developed a shared context around certain subjects over time, allowing their communication to be successfully low context. On the other hand, some of those same folks may adopt a high-context attitude with their students, or in larger staff meetings. Similarly, groups of professional and classified education staff may have their own shared context - but it's important to remember that the context-building in this case needs to be a self-aware and self-conscious process; otherwise, it's easy to get back to that point where a shared context is assumed, and that becomes a barrier to communication.

Concluding Thoughts

I think both of these concepts have a lot of potential when it comes to Lebanon and the problems that have plagued it over the last decade. Certainly there are genuine differences of opinion when it comes to pedagogy and education policy, but (and this is especially true of the last several months) those differences hardly ever get really aired, since communication is, I think, so incredibly poor between folks right now.

Sitting down and thinking, as an individual, about where one falls on these continuums, especially in what contexts, and even thinking about where you think other people fall, is also a good first step to learning how to communicate with one's coworkers and other educational staff more effectively. I know that folks often want to resist doing the internal and introspective work that I'm suggesting, but I cannot express how important that work is: One cannot make others change. One can only change oneself and try and support others as they do the same.

Lebanon Truth wrote a post in which they criticized Rick Alexander (rightly, I think) for not being willing to sit down and read a book on how to be a better school board. While I think the choice of book is hilariously (and seriously) appropriate, I would argue that in addition, what is important for the currently disparate and contentious group of five individuals that are trying to oversee the LCSD is that they take the time outside of board meetings and working groups to get to know each other as people and develop some sort of shared context, some common ground (and maybe some shared values), which they can use as a basis for their work in the future. I have the feeling that Rick Alexander has no intention of doing something like that, as it would require him to actually a) learn about the rest of the board, and b) open himself up to them. But relating to other human beings on a personal level is, I think, a prerequisite for being effective in a work-related situation.

Words

I cannot tell you how many times over the summer - and now extending into the fall - that I have misspelled the word separate. It is not spelled seperate.

It's getting really annoying.

More on the ENDA/Transgender Flap

From Bay Windows....

If only we’d seen the passion, the blog posts and the last-minute organizing by LGBT organizations around a trans-inclusive Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA) last year. And the year before that. And the decade before that. Just yesterday, a coalition called United ENDA unveiled its website featuring talking points for a trans-inclusive ENDA; legal analysis showing that an ENDA bill that only protects lesbians, gay men and bisexuals will be too weak to actually protect lesbians, gay men and bisexuals (the bill’s failure to protect actual transmen and women is conspicuously absent from the analysis); and an impressively lengthy list of national and state LGBT organizations demanding an all-or-nothing approach to passing ENDA.

...

There is much concern that if a bill protecting employees solely on the basis of sexual orientation is passed then protections for transmen and women will be forgotten. It’s hard to take that concern seriously given the flurry of support that’s been forcefully expressed for trans rights now that we know a trans-inclusive ENDA simply will not pass in the House as its currently configured.

 
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